A History of Islam in Australia
A detailed study by Australian convert, Bilal Cleland

Introduction

Islam in our Near North.
The Fleet of Prahus
The Impact of Macassar

White Christian Civilisation to the East

The Conquest of the Interior
The Camel Communications Network
Racism rears its head

Muslims and the Policy of Racial Exclusion from 1901
The Muslim Community before the Great War
Muslim Family Life

The Great War
The Indians, the Empire and White Australia
Pearling and White Australia

Between the World Wars
The Thinking behind Racial Classifications
The Approach of the Second World War, Refugees and Australia

After the Second World War
White Australia sinks into oblivion
Building a National Body
Growing Pains - Muslims on the National Stage
Discrimination at the level of Local Government
The Gulf War

Conclusion

Introduction

The isolation of Australia was not as total as some Eurocentric historians have asserted. The straits and seas to our north have been very busy routes for many centuries. Travellers in the region have included some of the outstanding figures of Islamic history and just how close they came is uncertain. However they did not leave their mark upon the place. The known history of Muslim contact is dominated by two outstanding factors, firstly that of European colonisation and secondly that of racial discrimination.

It was the spread of European settlement and administration which ejected the Muslim Macassans from trade and cultural contacts with northern Australian. Although there were desultory attempts to utilize that contact for the benefit of the British Empire, they came to nothing. The memory of the Macassans remained among the tribal peoples of the north but almost completely vanished from the consciousness of mainstream European Australia. The few Muslims present in the penal settlements of the east coast also failed to make an impact upon colonial society and went largely unnoticed by 200 years of Australian historical writing.

The growing demand from the east coast of the continent for new lands and for new mining areas, in the middle of the nineteenth century, facilitated the introduction of the camel and its appendage, the Muslim Afghan cameleer. These despised men had greater impact than previous Muslims but their vital importance in every exploratory expedition into central Australia from the Burke and Wills debacle until the 1939 crossing of the Simpson Desert, is still only dimly perceived by most modern Australians. Their role in the construction of the 1872 Overland Telegraph, in carrying supplies into the interior, keeping remote stations and settlements alive in the most severe drought, in providing water to desert mining towns for many years, was written out of the history books. Their role lasted for about fifty years. As the railways moved inland and as the 1901 Immigration Restriction Act and accompanying restrictive legislation killed off their businesses and their contacts with their home countries, their mosques and their faith faded from the scene.

The hawkers, whether Afghan or Indian, with their bases in the major cities, were also subjected to this harsh legislation and were, by their racial identification, alienated from the mainstream European community. Although there were signs of an embryonic Muslim community in both Sydney and Melbourne at the turn of the twentieth century, this also faded away. It was only in the far north, in the pearling areas, that non-Europeans were allowed to enter, under indenture to employers. This caused considerable controversy but as the industry was considered too demanding for European workers, the exceptions were permitted to continue for the duration of the life of the White Australia Policy. Malays were reluctantly allowed in.

It was not until the economic boom which occurred after the Second World War that a significant and permanent Muslim population established a base in this country. A dearth of European workers willing to migrate encouraged the Australian government to bring Turkish immigrants to fill the gap left. At about the same time that there was an increased demand for places from Lebanese wishing to immigrate. Since the early 1970s the various Muslim communities, now concentrated mainly in Melbourne and Sydney, have developed many mosques and Islamic schools and have begun to take their place in Australian society. This process has been encouraged by the adoption of a multicultural policy framework by all levels of Australian government. Although there are still points of friction between the institutions of Australian society and the Muslim community, it is establishing itself and shows none of the signs of impermanence associated with earlier Muslim communities in this country.

Islam in our Near North.

Many Australians are accustomed to thinking of the continent as being isolated for thousands of years, cut-off from the great currents flowing throughout world civilisation. A sense of this separation from ‘out there’ is given in "The Tyranny of Distance" by Blainey who writes "In the eighteenth century the world was becoming one world but Australia was still a world of its own. It was untouched by Europe’s customs and commerce. It was more isolated than the Himalayas or the heart of Siberia." The cast of mind which is reflected in this statement, from one of Australia’s most distinguished modern historians, understands ‘the world’ and ‘Europe’s customs and commerce’ as somehow inextricably linked.

Manning Clark writes of isolation, the absence of civilisation, until the last quarter of the eighteenth century, attributing this partly to "the internal history of those Hindu, Chinese and Muslim civilisations which colonized and traded in the archipelago of southeast Asia." While not linking Europe with civilisation, Australia still stands separate and alone.

There is no doubt that just to our north, around southeast Asia and through the straits between the islands of the Indonesian archipelago, there was a great deal of coming and going by representatives of all world civilisations. Representatives of the Confucian, Hindu, Buddhist, Islamic and latterly, Western Christian civilisations, visited, struck root and occasionally, evolved into something else. Some left or were cast out.

There was substantial trade between Arabia and China from the Tang Dynasty (608-907 CE) and that trade was plied around the seas to Australia’s near north. The history of Islam in the region commences with the maternal uncle of Muhammad, Abu Waqqas, who went on the migration to Ethiopia during the persecution but did not return to Arabia with the other refugees. He went on a trading voyage with three other Sahaba (Companions of the Prophet), from Ethiopia to Guangzhou in about 616 CE. He then returned to Arabia. Chinese Muslim annals record that after 21 years he returned to Guangzhou bringing the Quran with him. He founded the Mosque of Remembrance, near the Kwang Ta (the Smooth Minaret) built by the Arabs as a lighthouse. His tomb is in the Muslim cemetery in Guangzhou.

The precise date of Islam’s arrival in insular southeast Asia cannot be readily established. Some historians argue "that by the beginning of the ninth century Arab merchants and sailors, (and other Muslims) had begun to dominate the Nanhai or Southeast Asian Trade." There was already a colony of foreign Muslims on the west coast of Sumatra by 674 CE and other Muslim settlements began to appear after 878 CE. Islam steadily spread, Islamisation of societies occurred and according to even hostile commentators, Islam "was a factor in the life of the islands by the end of the twelfth century." There are indications that Arab explorations off northern Australia did take place. The map of the Sea of Java of Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi 820 CE shows Cape Yorke Pensinsula, a "V" shaped Gulf of Carpentaria and a curved Arnhem Land. A later map, that of Abu Isak Al-Farisi Istakhari 934 CE, also includes an outline of the northern coast of Australia.

Islam was well established by the time Ibn Battuta visited Sumatra in about 1350 where he found Sultan al-Malik az-Zahir "a most illustrious and open-handed ruler, and a lover of theologians." Marco Polo had found the Kingdom of Sumatra inhabited by idolaters a few years before in 1292 CE, but the inhabitants of the Kingdom of Perlak on the same island had changed from idolaters to Muslims "owing to contact with Saracen merchants who continually resort here in ships".

Other famous travellers also left their accounts. Chinese Muslims, Admiral Zheng He and his lieutenant Ma Huan (Muhammad Hasan), in the service of Yung Lo third Emperor of the Ming Dynasty, became famous as navigators and explorers between 1405 and 1433. The chronicler Fei Xin accompanied many of these voyages and it is from his records that we know "the treasure fleet reached Timor, which is just 400 miles north of Darwin". The discovery of an image of the god Shou Lao in Darwin in 1879, wedged in the roots of a banyan tree over a metre underground, points to a very early Chinese contact with Australia, but it is not known whether it was Zheng-He or some other Ming sailor.

The palace revolution which caused the permanent cessation of Chinese voyages of exploration opened the way for other seekers of new worlds in our near north. According to Clark: "In the 1430s it looked as though this inheritor of the Chinese would be the Muslim merchants from Persia and the Gujerati Province of India." Islam steadily spread throughout the Indonesian archipelago, extending across the whole of Java by the eleventh century, into the Moluccas in the early sixteenth century and into Macassar via the Royal Courts of Gowa and Tallo’ in the first decade of the seventeenth century.

As it was pushing onwards into West Papua and beyond, Islam met its nemesis. Clark claims, "the coming of the European ended the spread of Islam, for when Torres first sailed through the strait which still bears his name, he met Moors in west New Guinea. That was in 1607. This marked the limits of the Muslim expansion and knowledge of the area." Torres came from the east across the Pacific, for the Americas and beyond had been given to Spain by the Pope, Africa and India and beyond to the Portuguese.

The Portuguese Christians, who came via the Cape of Good Hope and India, were clear about their objectives. They well knew of the significance of Islam in the region. Albuquerque, in 1511 the conqueror of Muslim Malacca, the main centre for the dissemination of Islam in southeast Asia, had some time before devised "a scheme to divert the Nile to the Red Sea to make the lands of the Grand Turk sterile, and then to capture Mecca and carry away the bones of Mohammed so that, as he put it, these being reduced publicly to ashes, the votaries of so foul a sect might be confounded." By winning a monopoly of the Indonesian spice trade these Crusaders hoped to fatally wound Islam.

Although the aggressive Portuguese presence hindered the process of Islamisation in the Moluccas and Timor, Islam remained dominant throughout the archipelago. It was Muslim Macassans and Buginese who established links with Australia.

The Fleet of Prahus

There are suggestions of trading camps on the northern coasts dating back several centuries. Macknight reports (and rejects) evidence that some fireplaces date back 800 years and Levathes suggests a relationship between the light-skinned Bajunis of Kenya’s offshore islands and the "Baijini" of northern Australian legend, possibly linking the early Chinese explorations of both areas. However, as Islam did not come to Macassar until the early 1600s and unless these Baijini were like Zheng-He, also Muslim, they are not part of this history. Certainly Alexander Dalrymple, an English seafarer in the 1760s related "The Bugguese describe New Holland to yield gold, and the natives, who are Mahometans, to be well inclined to commerce." Macknight attributes this religious designation to the fact that circumcision was practiced amongst the northern tribes, not to their ideology.

There were annual voyages of prahus from Macassar in southern Sulawesi to the coasts of Marege, the area of coastline east of Darwin to the coasts of the Gulf of Carpentaria and to Kai Djawa the coastline from Darwin westwards. When they began is not yet established. Macknight argues that the southeast Asian trepang trade did not commence before the late seventeenth century so that this annual traffic between Marege and Macassar could not be earlier than about 1650. There is a Dutch reference from 1654 which mentions tortoise shell and wax amongst other commodities, obtained from a great crowd of islands to the south but Macknight does not accept this as a reference to Macassan trade with Australia. The ethnographers R.M. and C.H. Berndt also suggested in 1947, from their observation of the depth of influence, that there had been some form of contact between the Aborigines, the people of Marege, and Macassar from the early sixteenth century. This too is rejected by Macknight. He insists that letters from 1751 and 1754 provide the first reliable evidence of the trepang trade between these Muslims and Marege. Perhaps other commodities dominated commerce until the opening of the more lucrative Chinese trepang market, but this is still within the realms of speculation.

Pobassoo, the Macassan master of a fleet of six prahus, was encountered by Flinders in 1803 in the Malay Roads at the north eastern tip of Arnhem Land. He informed the English visitor that he had made six or seven voyages in the preceding twenty years and that he was one of the first to come. Flinders recorded, "These people were Mahometans, and on looking in the launch expressed great horror to see hogs there. Nevertheless they had no objection to port wine, and even requested a bottle to carry away with them at sunset."

Each year in December, as the low pressure cell moved over Australia and the winds blew towards the south, the prahus left Macassar for camps along the shores of Marege. Then four months later, as the sun moved over the northern hemisphere and the winds blew from the continent towards the northern equatorial zone, they sailed back. By May they had all gone. While they were here they caught, cooked and dried the sea slug or trepang in beach camps. One of the markers of these camps, apart from the stone fireplaces, is the presence of tamarind trees. Tamarind pods were used to flavour their rice and the seeds thrown away near the camps.

So significant was the Macassan trade that for many years the British tried schemes to make the northern coast into a second Singapore. Smarter than modern Australian policy-makers, they quickly understood that the Muslims offered a bridge to trade with the region. While the Dutch tried to wrest control of Singapore to the east of the Indonesian archipelago from them, the British believed that they could, through trading with the Maccasans and Buginese, economically infiltrate the Dutch controlled areas of the west. A second Singapore on Australia’s northern coast offered great wealth. William Barns put this plan to the British government in 1823 and gained the support of a lobby of London merchants. An expedition was sent to northern Australia in 1824 and Fort Dundas established on the strait between Melville and Bathurst Islands. However British control of the first Singapore was assured by the Treaty of London March 1824 thus removing one major incentive for its establishment. It was also soon understood that the fort was located too far from the trepang fleet’s camps to trade. It was a failure.

In 1827 a second settlement was established 200 miles further east in Raffles Bay. Fort Wellington was built but abandoned in 1829. Blainey argues that this abandonment was a mistake for by 1829 "Regular contact with the Indonesian fleet had at last been made." Thirty-four prahus with more than 1000 men had arrived but there were no merchants at the trading post to barter textiles and metals for their trepang. It was abandoned too quickly, possibly on the verge of success, based on an outdated 1827 report. Thus died the hopes for great trade with the near north for another hundred years.

The trepang trade continued but it was viewed with jaundiced eyes by the new masters of the north coast. Searcy, sent to impose customs duties upon the prahus, revealed the thinking of the time. "So long as this portion of the coast was waste there was no reason why the Malays should not gather the annual harvest and turn it to their own profitable account. But now that there was some chance of Europeans following suit, and with the idea of local trading on the coast, it was decided that the time had come for the Malays to be placed on an equal footing with the local people, and to pay something towards the revenue of the country…" Oppressive imposition of the customs dues by men such as Searcy, growing racism in Australia after the introduction of the 1901 Immigration Restriction Act and jealousy over Macassan success, combined to crush this link with our neighbours.

A telegram which appeared in the S.A. Register 9 September 1904 reveals something of the thinking about this trade and of the tactics used to destroy it. It is significant that Searcy included it in the preface to his 1909 publication. "The Malays who man the proas which sail down from Macassar to Port Bowen in the Northern Territory, are suspected by officers of the Customs Department of smuggling, and it was recently suggested that some of their number also obtain admission to Australia despite the Immigration Restriction Act. After considering these representations, the Minister for Customs determined to close Port Bowen as a reporting station from January 1, and make overseas Asiatics who wish to engage in the trepang industry go to Port Darwin. It is believed that the trade-winds will not enable proas to go to Port Darwin, and therefore they will in all probability be prevented from visiting Northern Australia." By changing the reporting station at which custom dues were paid, the administration opened the way to intensify harassment of the Macassans so that they would cease their annual visits.

The trepang trade with Macassar had ceased by 1907, but the frequent arrests of Indonesian fishing trawlers off Darwin indicates that old habits die hard. Fishermen used to centuries of traversing waters to our north are hard to deter. Indeed the Sultanate of Gowa, in southern Sulawesi, the old Macassan Kingdom, included the coast of northern Australia within its realm. Arnhem Land Aborigines performed an opera about the historical links between the Yolnu people and Macassar at the foundation day anniversary of the city of Gowa in 1997. That sense of belonging does not vanish without trace.

The Impact of Macassar

Contact brought changes to language. The languages of the tribes along the northern coast can be as distinct as English and Greek. Although the children of Marege grew up in communities which had a variety of language and were all multilingual, contact with tribes from different areas could be difficult. As the Macassans were in contact with widely dispersed tribes, their language became a lingua franca right along the coast. Searcy’s vessel was manned by Malays, who were valued by the English colonists, as they had the ability to communicate with the prahu masters and the local inhabitants. There are several vocabulary lists demonstrating the widespread use of Macassan terms but there is evidence of a deeper influence than just vocabulary. "A number of verbs in Gupabuyngu, the best known language of northeast Arnhem Land, are used in irregular fashion. All are derived from Macassarese."

Another consequence of the relationship with Macassar was noticed by several British explorers. Stokes, who visited the northern coastline on several occasions between 1837 and 1843, reports observations by Captain Grey in 1838 and a Mr Usborne in 1840 that they had noticed individuals of different physical appearance from their peers in groups of Aborigines they had encountered in the north. While Grey considered that they were probably the descendants of shipwrecked Dutch sailors, Stokes was more of a mind that they were Malays either captured from the trepangers or voluntarily associating with the locals. There was quite close contact between them. "As we know that the Australian not infrequently abandons his country and his mode of life, to visit the Indian archipelago with them (the trepangers)." There were several documented cases of Macassan Muslims living amongst the Aborigines. Timbo, a Macassan left at Port Essington in 1839 to act as interpreter with the Aborigines, walked into the interior with the local tribespeople and was gone several months. Da’ Atea from Macassar deserted a prahu in 1829 and walked across the northern part of the Cobourg Peninsula.

Searcy in the 1880s also remarked upon the results of association with the Macassans. "Naturally some of the aborigines showed unmistakable signs of having Malay blood, in the way of a lighter skin and sharper and more refined features. In some of the women it was very marked." Using (Hussain) Daeng Rangka had children to an Aboriginal wife in eastern Arnhem Land and one of his Australian daughters visited Macassar. In 1985 his 81 year old daughter, Ibn Saribanung Daeng Nganna, appealed from Sulawesi through the Northern Territory News for contact with her Australian relatives. The result was a field trip by 11 teacher trainees from Batchelor College to Sulawesi to re-establish family relationships.

The introduction of new commodities into tribal communities, such as metal knives, axes and spear-heads, increased the efficiency of hunting and gathering. The Macassan dug-out canoe, which replaced the more fragile indigenous bark canoe, also permitted expanded trading and contact with other tribes. Inter-tribal trade appears to have expanded as a result of the introduction of such commodities. The pearls, pearl-shell and turtle-shell prized by the annual visitors also meant that there was some specific production for the market. Aborigines occasionally worked for payment in the process of trepanging, an unusual development in a hunter-gatherer economy.

Despite these innovations there was little impact upon the dynamics of tribal society. This has been attributed by European commentators to the great strength of tribal culture with its focus upon social relations. In a society in which kinship is the dominant feature, capital accumulation cannot occur. According to Worsely, writing in 1955 "Since everybody in such a society is closely related, there is no chance of accumulating wealth when one’s relatives cannot rightly be refused if they are in need." Whatever the reasons, Aboriginal culture was not disrupted by contact with the Muslims, something which cannot be said about the later cultural contact experiences of these now oppressed people.

There were cultural and religious effects from contact with the Macassans, but these were not destructive either. New developments in carving, particularly carving n the round, are found in Marege, "unknown elsewhere in Australia except in that part of Cape Yorke Peninsula under the influence of the culture of the Torres Strait Islands." Worsley commented "Mourning ceremonies, magical practices and important religious ceremonies…are all shot through with Macassarese influences" He also mentioned that the totemic system on Groote Eylandt in the Gulf of Carpentaria was also modified with the introduction of the Ship totem and of the north-west and south-east wind totems.

Arnhem Land Aborigines later spoke of the period of contact with Macassar as a Golden Age. There is a resentful undercurrent in some of the European commentary, for this attitude of the indigenous people contrasted starkly with relations during the period of assimilation and oppression under the white colonial administration. Worsely understood: "The contrast is plainly between the generosity and democracy of the Macassarese and the parsimony and colour bar of the Whites." Both Macassans and inhabitants of Arnhem Land remembered each others names, significant from the Aboriginal viewpoint where identification implied some ‘placement within the kinship framework’. Revealing an attitude similar to that of other white commentators, Macknight adds "but the clan affiliations suggested by some informants for several names may reflect later rationalisation rather than the reality of direct contact." Today the positive attitude remains despite decades of separation.

White Christian Civilisation to the East

When the Europeans had penetrated the seas north of Australia in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Muslims were seen as the major enemy of Christian civilisation. By 1788, when the British penal colonies were established on the east coast of Australia in Port Jackson and on Norfolk Island, the power of the Muslims was on the wane. The Moguls, the Muslim rulers of India, had been reduced to impotence and the Muslim sultanates of the East Indies, apart from the fiercely independent Aceh, were under Dutch East India Company control.

The older Christian imperialists had also lost their power. The militant anti-Muslim and anti-Protestant Christian Portuguese Empire had declined to a couple of outposts in Timor and in India. The Dutch, along with the spice trade to Europe, were also rapidly waning in significance. Now rivalry between the new powers of Christian Britain and France had become the main arena of action. Although the French had been driven out of India and were concentrating upon Indo-China, they were still seen as a potential threat to British ambitions. This explains the hasty sending of the First Fleet to Botany Bay in 1787 without any preliminary inspection.

No longer independently powerful, the Dutch still held key ports and controlled key waterways on the sea route from Europe to India, China and Northwest America. The outcome of an internal struggle for power in Holland in the 1780s between factions backed by the French on one hand and the British on the other was of vital importance. If the French backed faction won, all of the Dutch bases would come under effective French control. The Cape of Good Hope, Mauritius, in the middle of the ocean on the route to India and China, Dutch ports in southern India and Ceylon and the waterways between the islands of the East Indies could become closed to British shipping. "The plan to settle at Botany Bay (or any better harbour in that region) was thus in part an insurance against a French takeover of the Netherlands and of its trading bases." Ships could sail in the winds which blow from the west, in the latitude of the forties, and sail south of Australia instead of sailing northwards along the west coast towards the East Indies. Ships could sail up the east coast of Australia, get supplies and repairs in Sydney, then sail on to their trading destination. An indication of the sort of profits involved in some of this trade was given by John Ledyard, who had sailed with Captain Cook. He, "in his brief reference to the fur trade stresses than an outlay of sixpence brought furs worth a hundred dollars in Canton."

Convicts were not sent to Port Jackson or Norfolk Island for reform or punishment, but rather as a form of cheap labour. "The policy of sending convicts to New South Wales stands recorded upon the rolls of Parliament - it was and it is to improve the colony and make it more useful to the British nation," stated Mr Justice Forbes in 1827 The labour was needed to set up a restaurant port for British shipping on the route to the fur trade of Nootka Sound off Vancouver, for the whaling trade in the Pacific and for the China tea trade. The sending of convicts to Norfolk Island reflects the great hopes set in its flax and pine trees. Rope, sails and masts for the navy and merchant ships, were strategic resources as important for a naval power as oil in the modern world. Their presence on Norfolk Island may indeed have been a major reason the British chose this part of the world. Lord Sydney, when announcing the decision to send convicts here in 1787 remarked upon the supply of flax which "would be of great consequence to us as a naval power." He also mentioned the tall trees, valuable for masts, which grow in New Zealand and the islands near Australia.

British shipping companies were already making good use of the vast supply of labour British imperial expansion had delivered to them. Muslim sailors were apparently frequently employed and in January 1796 Norfolk Island acquired several of them at one time. They were classed as Lascars (Indians and Ceylonese) by the Norfolk Island Victualling Book, the record of all those receiving government food assistance. They were abandoned there due to a misfortune related to the shoddy quality of colonial shipbuilding at that time and of course to the racist attitudes of their officers. In September 1795 the colonial-built ship Endeavour left Port Jackson with a companion ship Fancy, intending to touch at New Zealand and Norfolk Island before sailing to India. The Endeavour, with its Muslim sailors and with convicts destined to expand the labour supply on Norfolk Island, began leaking and it was feared it might break-up. It had to run aground at Dusky Bay New Zealand. The sailors found a partly assembled ship on the beach, built by the carpenter of The Britannia while at Dusky Bay in 1793. The crew finished the ship, named it Providence and with Fancy, sailed on to Norfolk Island. Some forty of the convicts from the Endeavour were returned to Norfolk Island and completed their sentences. The excess sailors were dumped with them.

Little was recorded of these exotic arrivals but it is apparent that they were not provided with passage home. Some fifteen years later, according to the Victualling Book, John Hassan a sailor from the Endeavour was on the Island working as a labourer. He was relocated to Port Dalrymple in Tasmania with the remaining settlers in 1813 when this settlement was closed. Another Muslim from Endeavour was Sua (or Saib) Sultan. He had an eleven and a half acre block of land on the island. He and his unnamed wife were transferred from Norfolk Island on the Lady Nelson as third class passengers on 9 November 1809. He was given the name of Jacob on the 1818 stores list for Hobart Town and by then he had a much larger block of land. He was given a 27 acre grant in his new location on the Derwent River near the village of New Norfolk. He apparently did well as The Land and Stock Muster of Van Diemen’s land for 1819 notes that Saib Sulton (sic) possessed 28 acres of pasture and two acres of wheat.

Mahomet Cassan is also listed as coming free on the Endeavour 1795. An alternative spelling of his name is also given on this list as "Cassom". Another name which crops up on the Stores Lists is that of number 615, Mahomet Cassem. Probably the same as "Cassan" and "Cassom" he appears on the "General Muster of Free Men, Women and Children off and on Stores in His Majesty’s Settlement of Hobart Town 2 October 1818" as "came free", from Norfolk Island and off the stores. Number 514 on the list is a Memerich Cossam. It is possible that some semi-literate clerk confused by the foreign name mixed up the lists but this may be another individual.

These names disappear from the records, they left no Muslim families, no institutions, no mosques. Perhaps they changed their names, like Saib Sultan, assimilated into the Christian community or returned home after earning sufficient for their passage. It is certain that they would have suffered from considerable religious intolerance. As Muslims and a subject people, despised for their race, they would have lived on the edge of society. Even Christians suffered persecution at that time if they were from the wrong sect. The British Test and Corporation Acts were not repealed until 1828. These Acts, passed under King Charles II, required that any person who wished to hold a position under the Crown or even in a town corporation, had to take Church of England communion. Protestant sects which differed in doctrine from the Established Church were thus humiliated. Roman Catholics were excluded from public office until the Catholic Relief Act of 1829. Even so, until this day, no Catholic can become King or Queen or Regent of Britain.

The men who ‘came free’ might have been despised, but they were not subjected to the horrors of the penal system which the convicts experienced. The system of transportation of convicts was cruel enough, separating them from all they knew for years, perhaps forever. It was however relatively humane compared to the system which followed the Bigge Report of 1823. The administration of NSW was accused of excessive leniency, contributing to the failure of transportation as a deterrent to crime whereas Bigge "wanted to tighten up the transportation system and make punishment more of a deterrent." Zimran Wriam, an Indian Muslim convict who arrived in Atlantic on the Third Fleet in 1791, missed this most oppressive time. Born in Hyderabad, Zimran was sent to Norfolk Island and in 1813 was removed to Port Dalrymple in Van Diemen’s Land as a third class passenger on the Lady Nelson with John Hassan. He was given a 40 acre land grant to permit him to be economically independent. Unfortunately he did not live long to enjoy it as two currency lads (locally born men) beat him to death.

Other Muslim convicts who arrived in this relatively humane period included a convict from Oman, Nowardin, who said he was born in Muscat. A sailor on a ship visiting London, he had been convicted of a minor offense and in 1815 was sentenced to seven years transportation. He arrived in Sydney on the Fanny on 18 January 1816. Another Muslim, one John Johannes of Bengal, in London on 6 December 1815, was also sentenced to transportation for seven years. He arrived in Sydney on the Almorah on 3 August 1817. A relatively minor offence committed in the Port of London could have disastrous consequences.

In total there were at least eight convicts who arrived in Australia after 1813 who may have been Arab or part Arab. Five came from Oman, one from Bussarah (Iraq), one from Mauritius and one from South Africa. All of these people were Muslims. Unfortunately many of them arrived in the 1830s after the deliberately atrocious convict regime recommended by Commissioner Bigge was being implemented. The Report of the Select Committee on Transportation 1837-38 heard evidence of terrible crimes against humanity being perpetrated in the Australian penal colonies. "Sir Frances Forbes, chief-justice of Australia, stated in a letter to Mr Amos on the subject of transportation that ‘The experience furnished by these penal settlements has proved that transportation is capable of being carried to an extent of suffering such as to render death desirable, and to induce many prisoners to seek it under its most appalling aspects.’" Men murdered their comrades in order to be executed so that they could escape the horrors of living any longer in the places of secondary punishment.

Siedy Abdullah, like Nowardin, was also from Muscat, Oman. Looking for employment no doubt, he had migrated to Mauritius and worked as footman or groom. He was one of several sentenced to ten years transportation in February 1837 for the crime of mutiny. Under the conditions of that time this meant disobedience of an employer or refusal to work. He arrived in Sydney on 26 May 1838 where he subsequently disappeared. On the 26 April another footman and groom, also convicted of mutiny in Mauritius, arrived in Sydney to serve a life sentence. He was Hassan Sheikh of Bombay and he arrived on the Moffat via Hobart. Siedy Maccors Mahomed originally from Bussarah, was another of those sentenced for mutiny in Mauritius and he arrived at the same time as Siedy Abdullah. He completed his ten years and was granted a Certificate of Freedom in 1847.

Mauritius must have offered a hazardous work environment for three years before, in 1834, Bargatta Lascar, also known as Sheikh Burkhit, had been sentenced in that place to fourteen years transportation. He was born in Calcutta in 1798. He arrived in Sydney in July 1834 and was later assigned to work for a Mr J. Philips on his property near Port Macquarie.

Capetown, a key supply port on the British route to the East, and now included within the British Empire, also supplied its convicts to New South Wales. Two men described as ‘of the Malay faith’ arrived in Sydney on the Eden on 11 January 1837. Ajoup, a groom, had been sentenced to fourteen years transportation in Capetown and another named Matthys was sentenced to seven years. Both men were born in 1815. They appear but briefly in records and like those who ‘came free’ to Norfolk Island, disappear without trace.

There may have been a much larger Muslim population of Australia from this early period had a scheme advanced by some NSW pastoralists come to fruition. To help solve the labour shortage they intended to import labourers from India. Evidence was given before an Immigration Committee in 1838 that over a hundred settlers had organised for 1203 Indian labourers to be brought in and between 1837 and 1844 about 500 did arrive. The Colonial Office prohibited this traffic in 1839.

Revolted by the nature of the system of convict transportation, the colonists of NSW agitated for its abandonment. The British Government granted this demand in 1840, but factors other than colonial public opinion may have been responsible. The need for cheap forced labour in other parts of the Empire may have been that reason. "Thus it is arguable that transportation to New South Wales had ceased partly because of agitation in the colony but mainly because of the need to press on with naval and military installations in Britain and Bermuda and Gibraltar. By 1845 the urgent need for advanced bases for steam ships on the Channel coast had more to do with the new policy of making all convicts serve their hard labour sentence in Britain than did the alleged failure of the transportation system in Van Diemen’s Land.

The Conquest of the Interior

As pastoralism expanded in the Australian colonies and it became apparent that convict labour could never fulfill the needs of the growing economy, free labour had to be obtained. From 1840 to 1880 European settlement spread from the southeastern lands across the continent. This was the period of exploration of the interior of the country, of the extermination of large numbers of indigenous people, of massive immigration schemes and of a booming wool industry. The demand for wool from Britain’s factories was immense and the ten million pounds weight of wool supplied by Australia in 1840 increased to three hundred million pounds by 1880. Over the same period the number of sheep increased from four million to eighty million. By 1891, on the verge of the economic depression, the Australian colonies were supplying five hundred and forty million pounds weight of wool from a flock of one hundred and seven million sheep.

The Gold Rush of the 1850s added another strand to economic development, that of minerals and interest in exploration for minerals. It also served to deliver a huge increase in population to the colonies. For example, the population of Victoria increased from 97,489 in 1851 to 539,764 by 1861. This led to demand for farms and the development of agriculture. This in turn required the opening up new lands in the interior of the continent.

Early explorations of the southeastern part of the continent, the last of which was that of Major Mitchell through southern NSW and the Western District of Victoria in 1836, opened up vast tracts of land for the squatters and their sheep. The terrain and the climate allowed reliance upon horses. When the drier west and central parts of the continent had to be explored, horses were found to be of limited value. Camels from India were first suggested as suitable in 1837. A few years later at the suggestion of Governor Gawler of South Australia, the Colonial Commissioner in London purchased six camels in Tenerife but only one survived the trip, landing in Adelaide in October 1840. They could carry "…from seven to eight hundred pounds weight… they last out several generations of mules…the price paid for them does not exceed one half of that paid for mules…and it is proved that these ‘ships of the deserts’ of Arabia are equally adaptable to our climate."

Marvellous Melbourne, rich with the gold of the 1850s, certain of its leading role in the future of Australia, was eager to spread its influence into the far reaches of the continent. In 1858 the Victorian Exploration Committee requested George Landells, who regularly accompanied exported Australian horses to India, to buy camels and recruit camel drivers on his next visit. He bought twenty-four beasts and hired three drivers, Samla, a Hindu and two Muslims, Esan Khan and Dost Mahomet. They arrived in 1860 and were housed at Parliament House and both beasts and men were kept in stables there. The men were hardly regarded at all. It is interesting to note that Manning Clark in his History of Australia reports upon the whole Burke and Wills Expedition and the debacle it became, without mention of the Afghan cameleers at all. The expedition set out with great fanfare in August. Dost Mahomet and Esan Khan "killed their own expedition stock cattle in the al halal manner prescribed by the Qur’an. Though severely ill with dysentery, they diligently performed the five daily Muslim prayers and held to their faith in Allah during the months of waiting at Menindie." Dost Mahomet was bitten by a camel at this camp, his arm was smashed. He was effectively disabled for life at the age of twenty-three. Despite his appeals to the Victorian Government he was awarded only 200 pounds compensation and was never to see his home again. He also requested that he be paid as promised. He had been told that he would have the same pay as the other members of the exploration team, ten pounds a month. This was not honoured. He and Esan Khan were paid only three pounds a month, increased to four pounds five shillings a month after Landells had resigned from the party. Afghans were not white and not Christian. Dost Mahomet died soon after this refusal and is buried at Menindie.

Although the various exploration parties which went into the interior depended upon the camels and their Muslim drivers, they were scarcely recognised for their contribution. The white leaders of the expeditions received the credit from their peers and their exploits were recorded by white historians. It was Kamran who, with Gosse in July 1873, was the first recorded non-indigenous person to see the great rock, Uluru, named for the then Governor of South Australia Sir Henry Ayers. Gosse at least had the grace to name a "Kamran’s Well" between Uluru and Lake Amadeus for his leading Afghan cameleer and "Allanah Hill" 28 miles southeast of Uluru for the other Muslim on the team.

Saleh, who physically led the Giles Expedition of 1875-76 across the Nullabor Plain and then to Perth and back via Geraldton to South Australia, was given the honour of having "Saleh’s Fish Pond" named for him near Mount Gould on the way back east from Geraldton. A suggestion of the type of intolerant superiority these Muslims had to cope with is indicated. "Saleh faithfully performed his lone daily prayers, regularly teased by the others. Sometimes he would ask Giles the direction of east and the leader would playfully point the other way. On these occasions Saleh was more likely to have been facing closer to Mecca for, from Australia, the Holy City was not eastwards but north-westwards." Of course Saleh from Afghanistan would have been used to the qiblah facing west and no doubt had prayed in many mosques in Australia. For an experienced cameleer and bushman not to have know his directions or the qiblah rather stretches the imagination. This has the ring of a smart story from Giles rather than truth.

These expeditions were not just brave manly exploits. They had economic motives. Giles was being supported by the major importer of camels Thomas Elder and on this expedition had agreed to survey country near Fowlers Bay for a prospective English squatter, a friend of Elder’s. The expedition that Saleh accompanied some years later in 1886, surveying the Queensland-Northern Territory Border, took prospecting parties with it, hoping to find new mineral wealth.

With camels from Marree and Farina, Moosha Balooch and Guzzie Balooch accompanied the 1894 Horn Expedition, named for the director of the Broken Hill Proprietary Company who financed it. He wanted it to seek out minerals between the Macdonnell Ranges and Oodnadatta and to study new biological, botanical and ethnological material. Another two famous cameleers, Bejah Dervish and Said Ameer accompanied the 1896 Calvert Expedition. Two of the European members managed to get lost and starve to death. The willingness of the Afghans to search for days in terrible conditions and the offer from the major camel owner Faiz Mahomet to send his camels and men to the search, impressed contemporary opinion. Larry Wells, the leader of the expedition, named a landmark in the sandy desert "Bejah Hill" and gave Bejah Dervish his compass. Years later Nora Bejah, daughter-in-law of Bejah, still had that compass. She also recalled that Bejah had been given the name "the Faithful".

Abdul or "Jack" Dervish, the son of Bejah, was most significant in getting the Madigan Expedition across the Simpson Desert in 1939. This was the last major exploration of the interior. Afghan Muslims had been on all of them since 1860. The second Afghan on this expedition, "Nurie", Nur Mohamed Moosha, was the son of Moosha Balooch who had accompanied the Horn Expedition over forty years earlier. However things had changed. "By the 1930s the second generation of cameleers ate the same meat as the Europeans. The Muslim faith had diluted and halal-killed meat was no longer a requirement to the younger men."

The Camel Communications Network

It was the Afghans and their camels who gave access to the vast interior of the continent. They proved themselves during the construction of the Overland Telegraph Line 1870-72. They were used in both the survey and construction work, carrying loads of materials into otherwise impenetrable country. "The workers were able to forge ahead into the arid unknown for they could be assured of regular and reliable service and supply by the camels and cameleers. Horses and bullocks often could not travel the long waterless stretches with any degree of reliability."

Marree, formerly known as Hergott Springs, was an important centre in the "interstate camel communications network" the first outback "train" in this region. "Several sources state that in 1880, four years before the arrival of the line, Hergott was "a little Asia", the focus of camel strings that travelled the Queensland Road (later to become known as the Birdsville Track); the Strzelecki Track to Innamincka; the way through Blanchewater eastwards into New South Wales; the track to Charlotte Waters, and so to Alice Springs and other far northern stations on the Overland Telegraph Line. These were the chief routes of the camel communications network, though all-particularly those leading to the east-branched into many side tracks."

Winifred Stegar, the wife of Ali, a cameleer in Birdsville in the early twentieth century, has left us an account of the scene at one railhead where the Afghans picked up the goods. "Once the mail was cleared the station-master would take off his shirt and, with his one porter, would repair to the goods shed, loaded with cart-note books; consignee notes must match with corresponding loads, and then the load would be allocated to the particular camel train. Not only the shed but the dirt platform would overflow with huge mounds of bundles and cases; the station-master would grow so frantic that his voice at times, would fade almost to nothing as he hurled orders and directions to the camel-men and their native helpers while he endeavoured to collect the consignments in their correct order. The loadings for transit were assigned to different drivers by the station-owners or their managers. Some goods had hundreds of miles to go, and the return trip might take months." Asked to help the camel-men with their consignment notes and bills of lading, Winifred reports "The trouble really began when I had to make out their freight charges, each man clamouring to tell me his idea of what his freight should be, each load going to a different station with its corresponding mileage, different freights for different goods-it was bedlam."

When the Coolgardie gold rush occurred in 1894, the cameleers were quick to move in. The goldfields could not have continued without the food and water they transported. In March that year a caravan of six Afghans, forty-seven camels and eleven calves, set out across the desert from Marree to the goldfield. It arrived in July with the camels, carrying between 135 and 270 kilograms each, in good condition. Another fifty-eight camels for Coolgardie arrived by ship in Albany in September. There was some jealousy of the success enjoyed by the Afghans with their camel-carrying businesses. Already by September 1894 "The Bulletin" complained of Fez Mahomet that "there seems to be no limit to his camel carrying operations. He is said to have taken 20,000 sovereigns to Westralia; he has certainly taken thither upwards of 2000 camels. More than half of these are employed on the Coolgardie goldfield." It also made a bigoted allusion, to Muslim acceptance of polygamy with the claim that "his camel-staff is believed to consist chiefly of brothers-in-law; many wives, many brothers-in-law." This was not the situation at all but it made for good reading for the Bulletin’s readers at that time. That same article in The Bulletin also describes the situation in 1894. "Afghans at Coolgardie are an exclusive section of the community. They mix not with whites and are encamped outside the town. They never trouble man or beast, but leave their camels for that business. Law prevents their dry-blowing or working quartz-reefs, but even if the statute were repealed tomorrow there would be no mad Afghan rush. Fez and his minions allow the homogeneous white man to find gold, and they gather it by other means." The Afghans are portrayed as passive, but cunning. Although excluded from mining they make their own gold by exploiting the white miner. Table 1 Statistical information relating to Muslims Western Australia for the year 1898

Coolgardie Fremantle Perth

No. Ministers 1 nil 1

No. Lay Readers or Local Preachers 3 1 3

No. Church Buildings 2 nil nil

No. other buildings used for public worship 5 2 3

Total seating accommodation in Churches and Buildings 300 80 120

Average number attendants at Sunday morning and evening services 80 12 25

Average number attending Divine Service on weekdays 80 12 25

Approximate number of Public Services performed during the year (including weekday services) 1825 1825 1825

No. of marriages nil nil nil

No. of burials nil nil nil

Number of persons admitted to Membership of the Denomination in the District during the Year nil nil nil

Estimated number of adherents in the District adults and children male 300

female nil male 23

female nil male 80

female nil

By 1898 there were 300 members of the Muslim community in Coolgardie and 80 on average attended Friday prayer. Indeed as is indicated by Table 1, Coolgardie held the main Muslim community in the colony at that time. There was not one Muslim woman amongst them, no marriages were performed and no burials, reflecting a relatively young, celibate and transient population. There appear to have been two mosques in Coolgardie, if that is what was meant by "church buildings" with five other buildings used for public worship. The one "Minister" and three "Lay Readers" might be taken for imam and other less educated prayer leaders. Fremantle had two buildings used for public worship but no main mosque and one lonely "Lay Reader" or prayer leader. Perth had three buildings used for public worship but no mosque at that stage. It claimed one imam and three prayer leaders. The extent of the camel industry in Coolgardie is indicated by the list of camel owners 1898-1899 in Table 2. The predominance of Afghans can be seen through the number of Muslim names on the list of owners. The sudden drop in the number of camels by 1899 is a reflection of the opening of the neighbouring field at Kalgoorlie.

Table 2. A List of Owner of Camels in the Magisterial District of Coolgardie.

1899 1898

Duncan McGregor 12 Ahmad 12 Khram 20

F & T Mahomet 359 F & Tagh Mahomet 444 E. Leaney 1

do do 51 do do 56 Actor Mahomed 7

Abraham do 12 Anwar 72 Dean Mahomed 4

Parley Alline 42 Mahamet Azim 30 Malata Mahomed 30

Frank E. Randell 125 F.E.Randell Co. 142 S. Peer Mahomed 9

Mahomet Raswell 15 Cobb & Co. Ltd 2 G. Mahomed 19

Transport Trading Co of WA 61 Transport Trading Co of WA 60 Mamadriza 17

Gungzar Belooch 16 Geelan 10 Masum 7

Hampton Plains Estate Ltd. 6 Hampton Plains Estate Ltd. 7 Mazoola 3

Maurice Leaney 7 Osman Guny 35 Mohidin 18

Mahomet Hasson 100 Said Nazar 12

Total for 1899 700 Said Hookmat 20 Neemomed 3

Zrim 16 Produce 5

Amer Jon 29 Rahmin 15

Kahan 6 Mahomed Rassool 21

Pain Kahn 18 Abdul Rennie 13

Oom Kahn 13 Sabarizi 9

Sultan Kaka 26 Shak 10

Karam 8 Shacoor 22

Amer Khan 15 Sing 10

Esau Khan 14 Maosa Sing 26

Derri Khan 17 Stura 15

M. Llan 10 Vazir 7

Mizza Khan 32 General Water Supply 79

Paster Khan 7 J.H.Wood 50

Zar Khan 2 Zachan 14

Total for 1898 1649

The working conditions of some of the Afghan camel drivers, even by the standards of the time, were appalling. The Bulletin, which had a less than favourable attitude to non-European labour, was moved in 1899 to support an appeal for "Afghans enslaved by the Bourke (NSW) Camel Carrying Co." The company was owned by a group of Europeans, mainly pastoralists, who hired their labour in India and Afghanistan. Abdul Wade, an Afghan, was appointed manager in 1895. The men, who had been employed on an agreement which they had not understood, were jailed for refusing to work when ordered to do so by the company. They were to be paid 24 pounds a year. Three-quarters of their wages, held until they completed their six year contract, were to be forfeited if they missed even a day of work. The magistrate told them they could appeal the sentence to a higher court but as they were without funds that was not possible without public support. The poor response to the appeal was, complained this most racist of journals, "perhaps because of the circumstance that the oppressed men happen to be coloured foreigners instead of white Australians." It at least contributed ten pounds towards the needed one hundred and fifty pounds for the appeal.

Racism rears its head

Camel teams competed with the bullock drivers and horse teamsters. The cameleers were Afghan, the bullockies were European. Clear cases of assault against Afghans, even murder, were dismissed by racist courts. In western Queensland in the 1890s there was a major campaign of racist vilification against the cameleers. Local newspapers declared Afghans as "more detestable than the Chinese" and attacked them for refusing to drink alcohol and for opening their own stores and butcher shops.

The rising union movement in Queensland also had a strong racist rhetoric. Chinese and Afghans were seen as cheap labour, undermining the standard of living of the white man. Unionists did not fight for equal wages for all, apparently seeing economic exploitation as inextricably linked to "racial inferiority". Afghans, unaware of the greater social issues, for they were socially ostracised by the Europeans, continued to carry wool to railheads for the Queensland pastoralists during the Shearer’s Strike which nearly took the country into civil war, a watershed in the history of Australia. In 1891 the Toowoomba Infantry had to escort Afghans and their camels within Queensland and up to the NSW border as they were in danger from enraged and militant unionists.

In 1892 "Unionist" of Bourke NSW, in a letter to the Bulletin, wrote "the introduction of camels and Afghans is worse than the introduction of Chinese to the masses." Attacking the "hopeless conservatism" of this position regarding the camel, which The Bulletin steadfastly maintained was the saviour of the outback, the editor had an alternative suggestion. "There is no earthly reason why the Afghan and the camel should go together; the Australian has at least as much intelligence as that imported Asiatic, and he knows enough to make use of that ‘ship of the desert’ without hiring any cheap Mohammedan to help him. But, apparently, he never dreams of making the attempt, and because the Afghan is another cheap labour curse in a land where such curses are already much too plentiful, therefore he wants to abolish him and the animal altogether. The idea of abolishing the man and not the animal has not yet, so far as we are aware, been proposed by anybody." That was, ultimately, what occurred.

The link between the Afghan and the camel had direct political repercussions. At the November 1893 conference of the Labor Electoral League of New South Wales, the platform which called for "Prohibition by law of the use of camels as beasts of burden, as being inimical to the health and well-being of the residents where such beasts are used" was confirmed. As The Bulletin remarked in its commentary, "The only real reason for its (the camel’s) abolition is that it is run by Asiatics", but this did not indicate sympathy for or solidarity with the Afghans. "Apart from its obnoxious Asiatic driver, there is just the same reason for abolishing the camel that there is for tearing up the railroads".

In an article on "The Camel Odious" in 1894 the Bulletin included a comment by a Major Leonard, the author of a book on the camel, that the Afghan is "the dirtiest brute on record". The very next edition of the magazine had a response from someone who strongly objected to this, pointing to the bravery of the Afghans throughout history and the defeats they had inflicted upon numerous invaders, including the British. The letter, under the heading "The Odious Afghan", alluded to the number of whites who manage to get along without a bath from New Year to Christmas and to the many "women who have only bathed on their wedding day". It also mentioned the hospitality of the Afghans in Bourke and to the large number of whites who were happy to take the bounty offered. However even this sympathetic correspondent could not support the notion of Afghan-Australians : "I don’t like the Afghan; he cannot mix with us; in some things he is a bit too good for us; and I think he is better out of the country; but he is more honest and manly than many of those who jeer at him."

Open hostility was more common in public discourse. F.C.B. Vosper who had drifted to the Coolgardie goldfield and become editor of the Coolgardie Miner, was a strong supporter of the Queensland Shearer’s Strike. He had also been editor of the Australian Republican, a Queensland newspaper. In 1894 he was supported by 2000 miners in his proposal to establish a body to put pressure on the government to have Afghans and other Asians removed from the fields. Nine branches of this Anti-Afghan League were established but died as rapidly as they had grown. In several colonies of the time debates were occurring about the control and possible eradication of the ‘coloured labour’ problem, and from 1897 it became difficult for ‘aliens’ to enter the country.

The 1898 W.A. Royal Commission into Mining took evidence about the presence of Afghans on the goldfields and one witness raised objections which have rung down the years, being raised most recently with regard to Muslim attitudes to Saddam Hussein in the Gulf War of 1990-91. Probyn-Smith, another journalist, in evidence to the WA parliament regarding local Afghans, claimed "Many… were still in sympathy with those Afghans who fought the British during the Second Afghan War. He declared they were traitorous by nature and warned of the peril to Australian lives if a Jihad (Holy War) were to be proclaimed somewhere in the Muslim world."

A third journalist, the socialist editor of the Barrier Truth in Broken Hill, R.S. Ross wrote an article on "The Afghan Menace" 13 March 1903, well after the 1901 Immigration Restriction Act had introduced the White Australia Policy. He attributed everything from sexual depravity to brutality and gross superstition to these people who were ‘by breed and nature a bird of prey’. There was no apparent awareness leave alone gratitude shown for the contribution made by these isolated and exploited men to the economic development of Australia. In the atmosphere of European Australia, denigration of racial or religious difference was the norm. Similar venom was displayed in Protestant-Catholic disputes in the community at that time, overlain in many cases with anti-Irish racism.

The life of Mahomet Allum, Adelaide’s much loved Afghan herbalist, spanned the history of the Afghan Muslims in Australia. He had sold horses to the British Army in the Second Afghan War and came to the goldfields of WA as a cameleer. He witnessed the opening of the Coolgardie water pipeline in 1903, worked in the Broken Hill mines where he laboured for hours underground in icy cold water. He bore witness to the teachings of Islam on racial difference in racist Australia. One of his letters to the press is reprinted by Brunato in which he challenges the editor. "If any Britisher can prove to me that he is white and I am black, I will unreservedly give him five hundred pounds. In God’s earth we are all his creatures. He brought in the sun and the moon and the stars to function twenty-four hours a day for all of us, and as an indication that He expects us to , every hour of the day to do His work. Why then this invidious distinction, even in the cemetery, between peoples of different races?"

His reputation for charity, six thousand pounds over four years, was explained as "a practical demonstration of the Islamic doctrine that all men are brothers and should be treated as such." He was not without influence on the non-Muslims around him. Miss Halima Schwerdt of Adelaide, in her contribution "I am proud to be Muslim", in the publication "Charms of Islam" produced by the very British Muslim community of the Woking Mosque, indicated her debt to him. She wrote "Here in Australia where it is rare to come in general contact with anyone of the Muslim faith, I consider myself extremely lucky when I met Mahomet Allum Herbalist, "Wonder Man" and healer as he has been named by the people in Australia whom he has cured." Unfortunately his entry in the Australian Dictionary of Biography is marred by a doubtlessly false claim that he "referred to himself as God’s messenger." Such a claim is a crime in Islamic law and puts the claimant outside the faith of Islam. When he died at his home in Everard Park in 1964 at the age of 106, he had witnessed the decline of the Muslim population and was on the edge of witnessing its revival as the racially exclusive policy died. He had been denied Australian citizenship because he was classified as non-white and when the law changed he made no application. Perhaps he decided that it was not worthwhile.

Attitudes towards the Indians who were arriving in the cities were also rigidly hostile. The justifications for these hostile attitudes, common to racist rationalisation everywhere, associated the Indian and Syrian hawkers with filth, with criminal behaviour and with disease. An article in "The Illustrated Australian News" accuses them of bullying women in outlying farming districts whose husbands were away into buying the products they hawked. It alludes to one of the illustrations accompanying the piece which "show how these gentry are liable to fare if they try that little dodge while any of the men are about." Part of the illustration shows "a summary ejectment" with a white farmer wielding a whip at a turbaned and fleeing hawker. It mentions their living conditions in Melbourne, where "they herd together in squalid houses in Little Lonsdale-street and one or two other localities." The comments upon their lifestyle reveal a great degree of ignorance about them. It is considered strange that "they do not eat any meat food unless prepared by one of their own", an allusion to the need for halal meat. That they ate with their fingers was also considered quite disgusting. "When the dish is cooked, be it meat, rice, curry or what not, the party it is provided for gather round the pot, and discarding the use of knife and fork, proceed to business with their fingers." Even their sleeping conditions were food for contempt. "Their sleeping place in the house we visited was a hole wretchedly inadequate for the accommodation of the half dozen or more who were packed in it. They lie upon the floor, and with their turbans upon their heads and bands of linen swathed round the lower part of the face, covering the mouth, they resemble a lot of mummies."

A report "Undesirable Immigrants" written a few years later, noted that the 13 Indians destined for Melbourne and the 77 destined for Sydney from a ship which had just arrived in port, were "a fine looking lot of men" of whom "the majority speak English fluently". However they were associated with "the Asiatic evil in Melbourne". In a comparison of the relative filthiness of Mahometans and Hindus, the anonymous author wrote, "Everyone will be gratified to know that the Mahometans, at any rate once a year, indulge in a thorough wash and put on absolutely clean garments. This takes place at the feast of Ramazan, either in February or March." It went on to urge action by the city authorities, for the general appalling habits of both these Hindus and Mahometans threatened the city with the black death or bubonic plague.

Some 120 hawkers’ licences were issued in 1898 by magistrates in the Victorian centres of Ballarat, Bendigo, Echuca, Geelong, Shepparton, Bairnsdale and St Arnaud. There were more in the city. Three hundred licences were issued to hawkers in the City Court Melbourne alone on hawkers’ annual licensing day 12 December 1900. They seemed to be in large enough numbers to represent a danger to the peace and tranquillity of the colony. The same sorts of opinions as had been expressed in 1891 were found again. The "Hindoo population" was notorious for its "disreputable mode of living" and when hawking in the countryside ", by stealing, quarrelling amongst themselves and menacing women and children, they have become a dangerous nuisance." Amongst the many evils associated with them was a traffic in hawking licences. "A new arrival can usually buy at the stores of merchants with whom his countrymen deal partially expired licences which he is there and then free to trade upon."

Another evil was the award of licences to inappropriate individuals, permitted by the fact that the magistrates could not distinguish between them. "When a number of these persons appear in court the magisterial eye takes them in en masse as a dusky nightmare of gibbering, truculent faces, and the difference between Murder Singh and Satan Shah utterly fails to strike one. Thus it is next to impossible at any time to prevent exactly the most objectionable persons from procuring licences." Lack of education was regarded as one of the root causes of such bad behaviour so, the Leader thought, the Victorian government should consider the South Australian system which meant it would "decline to issue licences as hawkers to Indians who cannot pass an educational test."

Muslims and the Policy of Racial Exclusion from 1901

The Immigration Restriction Act was passed in 1901 as soon as the new Commonwealth Parliament was established. It provided that all ‘coloured’ people trying to enter Australia would be required to submit to a medical examination and to a dictation test. This test could be in any European language. In practice this meant any language of which that individual was ignorant. Resident ‘coloureds’ were also required to apply for a special certificate to enter another state. The free crossing of inland borders, a necessity for the Afghan cameleers inland trade, was thus abolished at a stroke. This discrimination was intensified by the 1902 Roads Act.

The 1904 petition against this Act, addressed to the Legislative Assembly of Western Australia, signed by M.H. Musakhan and 2,500 camel men, indicates how the camel men interpreted it at the time..

The intent of the legislation was very clear. It placed a registration fee on each camel, varying from five pounds per annum on bull camels over the age of three, the breeders, to one pound for camels which were hired out. This was added to the license fee of ten shillings a year on all camels used in transport. It also prevented "any camel from being driven along any part of a road or track or within 20 yards of the centre thereof".

Obviously dismayed, the petitioners complained that it was meant to favour horse teamsters showing that "…a team of camels carrying the same load as the wagon team and doing no harm to the road, while the wagon ploughs into it, is taxed at from 20 pounds to 35 pounds per annum as against the tax on a horse team of one pound."

There is a poignancy in their spirited defence of their industry, indicating a failure to comprehend the nature of the new Federation with its emphasis upon racial purity. That the petition was address to the State Parliament also suggests some unfamiliarity with the new political and constitutional situation. It was hard for these men to understand why an industry which had been so valuable to the nation would be deliberately sabotaged. It seemed self-evident that camels and their Afghan drivers were embedded into the history of the country and would continue to be needed for years to come.

"IT has been said that the history of the goldfields is the history of the State and if that be so, the camel industry is as indissolubly bound up in that history as are the miners themselves, and it may be truly claimed that it has been one of the principal aids, if not the foremost one, in changing an obscure and barren corner of the Empire into one of its richest and most important territories. Nor is the utility of the camel confined to the gold miner. In survey, in telegraph work, in the Police, in water carriage, in exploration, camels are a most valuable auxiliary. They are an absolute necessity to life in the dry districts. They are now being utilised by the State in the work of fencing out that deadly foe to agriculture, the rabbit pest. They are essential to the wool industry to carry wool to the seaports. They will shortly be required in large numbers in the survey of the transcontinental railway and thereafter, in still greater numbers in the construction of the railway itself.

YOUR Petitioners would submit therefore, that, apart from all other considerations, it is a short-sighted policy to discourage an industry that has been so useful to the state in the past and that, in the immediate future will again become a crying need. Not until the whole area of Australia is brought into use, not until the wastes of the interior are covered with a network of railways, not, that is, for many generations will the camels cease to be a necessity of existence in many parts of the state, and your Petitioners would submit that encouragement and not obstruction, should be the policy of the state regarding them."

Perhaps they understood more than it would appear as the collection of documents Musakhan put into his book have this petition under the heading "An Unpresented Petition - 1904". They may have known it was a waste of time to present it.

So strict was the implementation of the Immigration Restriction Act that Afghan cameleers were not permitted, even during the severe drought of 1901-1902, to cross the border between South Australia and NSW without going through procedures similar to those required of racially unwelcome visitors to Australia. A reliable person had to act as guarantor for them, paying a bond of 100 pounds for each person. Samuel Drew and Company, merchants of Broken Hill performed this function for several Afghan camel drivers at that time. Lack of experienced men to distribute urgently needed provisions to outlying stations, meant that they had to call on Afghans from across the border. The Afghans admitted to NSW in April 1902, although still under the 100 pounds bond, were permitted to remain until the drought had eased. However handprints were now included on file for proof of identity, presumably to ensure that the same men who entered from South Australia eventually returned.

Not only was interstate trade impeded, but international business links as well. There were several requests by Muslims with business interests in both India and Australia for a general pass, to allow unhindered travel. Matters were not clear in the first few months and the case of an Afghan named Meerhez appears to have stimulated the development of policy. The Prime Minister, Edmund Barton, in response to a request for a general pass for Meerhez, with his need for constant travel on business between Australia and India, decided that the idea of a general pass was of doubtful legality, that a Certificate of Exemption from the Dictation Test, with its tight time specifications, was not what was required either. The letter requesting the general pass had explained that he had lived in Australia for some years and spoke English fluently. The Prime Minister decided that, given the special circumstances of the case, a promise was to be given to Meerhez that he would be allowed to re-enter the Commonwealth on returning from India without being subjected to the education test. Offshore business visitors found it hard to gain entry, even when quoting international treaties in support of their claims, and the importation of neither camels nor their drivers was permitted.

Then the 1903 Naturalization Act provided that applicants for naturalization could not be natives of Asia, Africa or the Pacific Islands (except for New Zealand). Men who had worked in Australia for over a decade were not acceptable as citizens. Jan Mahomet, a 35 year old Afghan storekeeper and camel-driver, who had worked in South Australia for nearly four years, Coolgardie for over a year and then in Murchison, near Geraldton WA, for eleven years, received his rejection of naturalisation from the Department of External Affairs in Melbourne in October 1906 about three weeks after submitting his papers. The only sign in the archives of his response is a curt telegram to the Department on 25 October asking for the return of all his papers. When Mahomet Solomon’s application for naturalisation, after seven year’s residence, was rejected he went to his local Member of Parliament. He informed him that he had substantial interests in Port Pirie, where he was a storekeeper and enclosed a newspaper cutting which showed that 28 Turks had been naturalised in 1905. He noted in his letter that he was by birth a Turk. His MP approached the Department on his behalf, which explained that his claim that he had been born at Mount Lebanon in Asia disqualified him from citizenship, but if as now appeared that he was indeed a Turk, the Minister would be glad to be notified of the date of the arrival of his parents in Syria.

The Muslim community was learning that more than individual approaches to the authorities were required on issues of non-European residence in Australia. As well as using the local member of parliament, like Mahomet Solomon, petitions were also used. They were not just Muslim community petitions either. The lobby for the right of Sayyid Mahomet Shah Banuri to a certificate of domicile, used a petition to the Secretary of the Department for External Affairs signed by a variety of local Indian and Syrian Muslims and Christian merchants, .most of whom appear to have lived in Redfern NSW, to press their case. Mahomet Shah Banuri was apparently a well educated religious leader who spoke Arabic, Persian, Pashtu, Hindustani and Sindhi. As he intended to visit India and the Hejaz to further his religious education, it was feared Banuri would have difficulties returning to his flock. He was eventually granted a 12 month Certificate of Exemption (from the dictation test) in November 1903. This twelve month visit, with, after representations from their legal firm, the option of renewal for a further year, meant that he would be unable to remain in the country. In April 1905 he made a last ditch attempt from WA where he was then located, to get a general permit to allow him to come and go as he wished. This was curtly refused by External Affairs in Melbourne, within two weeks of his making the request. Banuri had only been in Australia since 1901 so he was not regarded in the same way as those with longer periods of residence. Moaz Khan, an Afghan camel driver, who had resided in Australia since 1899 or 1900, dates on documents differed, was permitted to leave and re-enter the Commonwealth on several occasions between 1913 and 1931, each time being granted a Certificate of Exemption from the Dictation Test without the limited time specified for those who were regarded as visitors. That he had arrived before the Immigration Restriction Act came into force in 1902 and that he had been here five years and was of good character, apparently allowed right of re-entry.

The method of the petition was again used in a request to the Minister of External Affairs to allow Syed Ahmad, "our High Priest" (so described) to visit Australia for twelve months. It was signed by seven Muslims from Hergott Springs in August 1909. Permission was granted 30 October that year, but the letter to Gulam Mahomet conveying the news never reached him. In January 1910 it was discovered he had gone to Western Australia and the necessary documents had to be forwarded again. That the man was illiterate, that he was really coming to get his son, unemployed and residing at the Adelaide Mosque, who was refusing to rejoin the family and that he did not enjoy the confidence, according to Fatteh Baruck of 248 Hindley Street Adelaide, of "several foreign residents of the City", caused some official concern but not the withdrawal of his Certificate of Exemption.

Despite these accommodations of individuals and the admission of religious teachers for limited periods, the Immigration Restriction Act had the desired effect. Between 1901 and 1921 the number of Afghans fell from 393 to 147. By the 1930s "Many of the owners and breeders of camels are still Afghans, but since the war the industry has begun to pass into the hands of Australians who handled camels in Egypt and Palestine." The experience of Moaz Khan from the Punjab illustrates the decline in the Muslim camel industry. Arriving as a camel driver at the start of the century, he was a camel proprietor working in Bourke, Wilcannia and Broken Hill before 1913, then after his visit to his wife and family in India 1918-1921, he returned to employment as a labourer, doing station work. He eventually retired, via a period at the Adelaide Mosque, to India and his wife in 1947.

The Muslim Community before the Great War

The picture that emerges of the Muslim community in Australia at this time is one of impermanence. In the inland areas there do not appear to have been settled imams although there were some signs of semi-permanent communities around mosques. Many itinerant religious leaders appear in the records, here for limited periods due to the Immigration Restriction Act and perhaps to the nature of the Muslim community at that time. The men were constantly on the move, which interfered in their efforts to obtain overseas scholars. Many of those who were credited with leadership appear to have been illiterate, signing documents with a mark, although there were those with Islamic knowledge too. There were, in Melbourne and Sydney, prayer places and sometimes permanent imams devoting their time to serving the religious needs of the community. There were permanent mosques where there was a large enough number of Muslims to support them.

As early as 1885 in Melbourne there appears to have been a sufficiently well organised community to hold Eid Prayers. The Argus report of the 1886 Eid festival mentions that this was the second occasion on which the feast had been observed in Melbourne. That prayer was led by a local notable, Moonshee Abdul Hamid "one of the most pious and influential" of the local Muslims. About 80 Muslims, all men, attended the prayer in the grounds of the Observatory, near Government House, off St Kilda Road Melbourne. Describing the assembled Muslims as "Hindoos", the Age reported that some ingenious bystander suggested that they had come to celebrate American Independence day, for that fell apparently upon the same day as Eid al-Fitr in 1886. The Bulletin, the magazine which in its own words stood for "Australia for the Australians,-The cheap Chinaman, the cheap nigger, and the cheap European pauper to be absolutely excluded" offered support and sympathy to the Muslims. It charged that the community’s application to hold the prayer in a park had been refused by some official so that "the observances had to be performed on a piece of waste land on the St Kilda Road, to the great entertainment of a crowd of deranged larrikins who watched the proceedings." Using the article to attack the Salvation Army and comparing it in an unflattering way to the Muslims, the Bulletin concluded "We are glad to observe… that the Faithful of Melbourne are about to import a Mollah from India with a view to spreading their doctrines and if we can help the holy man in the work of introducing some kind of real religion for the first time into Australia, our services are entirely at his disposal." As later events illustrated, this was not to be the case, for The Bulletin carried many an assault upon the Afghans, Syrians and all those it considered ‘cheap labor’.

An indication of the state of the Muslim community in South Australia came from the August 1909 request from Hergott Springs for a Certificate of Exemption from the Dictation Test for Syed Ahmad. It stimulated the Secretary of External Affairs to investigate the number of "Mohammedan priests" in South Australia of the "same faith" as the petitioners. The SA Collector of Customs ascertained that there was only one resident "priest" in the state, one Swasa Mahomet serving Port Augusta and district. Itinerants and visitors included Syed Omar, who since his arrival a year ago from North Queensland had been engaged in Hergott Springs, Port Augusta and Adelaide. He was intending to depart from the Adelaide Mosque to Broken Hill in the near future. There was also one Afghan "priest" Syed Iran Shah Sahib, with his son, at Broken Hill, visiting Australia for a year from February 1909 on an Indian passport. Constable Simpson had reported to the Collector of Customs that there were Afghan camps in Farina, Hergott Springs and Port Augusta West but that "it is impossible to ascertain how many Afghan priests there are in those camps as they are always moving about." It was specified by Shair Mahomet of the Adelaide Mosque that if Syed Ahmad was admitted to the country he would be engaged in "conducting services in Western Australia, Adelaide, Hergott Springs, Oodnadatta, Broken Hill and Bourke." There were in 1910, three mosques in South Australia, at Adelaide, Port Augusta and Hergott Springs.

The Adelaide Mosque got itself into difficulties over the dishonesty of some members of the congregation who came to the colony to make a few pounds quickly. Ahmed Skaka recalls being told that, because of their behaviour, at one stage the Muslims actually lost control of the mosque property. At the time of Imam Abdul Wahid many young Afghan men wanted to go into business. The imam, well respected in the city, told various business people that he would act as guarantor for the Muslims who obtained trade goods (presumably for hawking around the countryside). Some of them did well and returned to Afghanistan. Some took the goods and departed, never to be seen again. The imam was left with their debts. This forced the sale of the mosque to non-Muslim Australians until the debt was repaid. Abdul Wahid was able to collect enough money from all the Afghans to buy the mosque back.

In Melbourne the Austral-India Society of 257 Brunswick Street Fitzroy appears to have represented the interests of the Muslims of Victoria to the government. Serving all Indians, (including Afghans), it appears to have been dominated by Muslims. The President in 1912 was Mr Mukand Lal, Vice-President Syed Jeelaine Shah and Treasurer Mr Marm Deen. There were two Secretaries, Mr A.H. Pritchard and Mr Maboob Allum. Its headquarters were not stable as in 1913 its address was given as 78 Lonsdale Street Melbourne, which was also the business address of the prominent Syrian Muslim merchant Mr Jaboor. In this Austral-India Society we appear to have the germ of the later cross-ethnic Islamic Council of Victoria, which now represents Muslims in that state.

When the Department of External Affairs sent out a memo in June 1910 to all Collectors of Customs around Australia to ascertain the number of "Mohammedan priests" there were in the country, A.H. Pritchard of 200 Johnston St. Fitzroy received the same request. He was apparently highly regarded as a link to the Muslim community by the government.

The responses indicate that there were already Muslims in nearly every corner of the nation. It was the Muslims living there who informed the Collector of Customs that Tasmania did not have a "priest" and was still without a mosque. The reply from Brisbane noted that there was one permanent mosque and one "priest" at Mount Gravatt, as well as another "priest" in Brisbane who was about to move to Cloncurry. That town was the site of a substantial Muslim community serving the mines with camel transport. Queensland explained that no official records were kept on such priest or mosques because these religious leaders "are not recognised by the Registrar General’s Department."

The Collector of Customs NSW ignored the substantial Muslim community then in Broken Hill, replying that there was no mosque in the State. There were in fact two mosques at Broken Hill and one permanent imam but these were considered as part of South Australia as they were in the hinterland of Adelaide. There was a visiting or "Missionary" religious leader, in the Lismore district, where there was a small Muslim community. He reported there was only one resident "Mohammedan priest" in the state, Mohamed Shah who had been appointed to the position three months previously, suggesting the existence of an Islamic Society in Sydney. Although there was no mosque in the city, a room in a store at 79 Alderson Street Redfern was set apart for prayer. That the Muslim community of Sydney was located mainly in Redfern and was led by merchants is indicated by the petition of Indians, Syrians and Australians requesting the right of return to Australia for Sayid Mahomet Shah Banuri in 1904. They had also apparently established sound relationships with the non-Muslims for 14 Christian and (one) Jewish businessmen from the City and Redfern signed the petition, along with the Muslim businessmen, who appear to have been located mainly in Elizabeth Street Redfern.

A.H.Pritchard reported that there was no resident "Mohammedan priest" in Melbourne or in Victoria "who devotes all his time in giving religious instruction, teaching of the Koran and such like and who is supported by the Islams of Victoria." However there were three "Haffieses or Mullahs" Noor Allum, Jallal Deen and Mahboob Allum who paid their share of the rent for 124 to 126 Young Street Fitzroy. They were licensed hawkers. There were also "two ‘Shahs’, descendants of the priest caste in this State" and they were also hawkers. Although there was no mosque in Victoria a room for prayer and religious instruction was set apart at 126 Young Street. A detached room especially built "for praying and holding religious ceremonies" was built at the house in McCormick Place off Little Lonsdale Street in the City of Melbourne. Pritchard also knew of permanent mosques in Bourke and Coolgardie built and kept by the Afghans.

Western Australia appears to have been the centre of the Islamic community in that period. The Acting Collector of Customs reported that apart from the principal mosque in Perth there were others at Coolgardie, Mount Malcolm, Leonora, Bummers Creek, Mount Sir Samuel and Mount Magnet. In 1898 there had only been Muslim communities in Perth Fremantle and Coolgardie. There were two resident "Mahomedan Priests" in Perth and about "25 Sayeds (Priests) who are called descendants of the Prophet." These men led the prayers in other districts. "They are all working men and conduct these services without any remuneration."

The Committee of the Perth Mosque, noted in the Annual Report of 1905-1906, "We cannot help appreciating the great blessings of protection, religious toleration and peace which we enjoy, as we do here, under the benign flag of the British nation." This intelligent acknowledgment was followed by a request to the ruling authorities for help: "We also trust that the government of the state will be pleased to extend a helping hand to us by granting a piece of ground for the use of the Mosque, treating us in the same manner as other Denominations, who have received grants of ground for the use of their respective churches and synagogues." There is no evidence that the plea met with success.

Even then the Muslim community was concerned at the lack of knowledge of Islam in the general population. It was agreed that if there was any surplus left in the collection after the mosque was built, they would set up a Public Library and Reading Room…."…in order to enlighten all those gentlemen who often want to know whether we belong to the Roman Catholic or Protestant Church, or whether we worship the sun, moon, the stars, fire or other material objects."

Of particular interest is the evidence of a deep ethnic dispute within the Muslim community. The agreement, signed on the 13 August 1906, dealing with control and management of the mosque, is described as one between "the delegates and representatives of the several Mohammedan communities resident in Western Australia." There is a clear distinction drawn between the group which saw itself as the controlling entity and others. It states that it is an agreement between "Afghans of the one part, and Indians (including Punjabies, Bengalies, Sindhies and other races of India) of the second part and Syeds of the third part, and Baloochies (including Brohies and Mekranies) of the fourth part, and Arabs and other various Mohammedan races of the fifth part…" All ethnic groups were henceforth to have equal access to the mosque and its facilities and equal rights rights in its administration and control.

How effective this agreement was in settling matters is uncertain as in a Supplement within the Annual Report a visit by "His Holiness Agha Syed Mohammed Padshah from Port Hedland" in November 1906 is recorded. He was authorised by the Muslims of that area to conciliate, should there be a need, between the warring groups in Perth. A resolution was passed that in future the Afghans and Indians, through their representatives, would manage the affairs of the Perth mosque in a more friendly spirit. "Mr Anwar Kakad, a leading Afghan gentleman, was appointed to represent the Afghan community and Mr Hoffiz Mohammad Hayat, merchant, to represent the Indians…" The report was signed by H. Musakhan, secretary.

Differences within the Afghan community were also regarded as significant enough to record them in the List of Contributors August1 1905 to Nov 30 1906. Careful note is made whether the contributor was "Pishori Afghan" or "Durranie Afghan". Bengalis, Punjabis, a Cingalie, a Malay and even a couple of Sikhs are recorded as contributors.

This question of ethnicity haunted the Perth Mosque for many years. In her 1980 paper, Schinasi noted that in the third set of rules for the mosque dated from 1919 "..article 7b stated that: "So long as any present member of the mosque of Afghan nationality…shall be residing in Western Australia one of such Trustees shall be elected by the Afghans voting separately for the election of such Trustee. The other Trustee shall be elected by the members of the mosque who are not of Afghan nationality."

Even after the Second World War the issue had not died. "Article 22, the last of the two post-1947 amendments, stated that: "Whenever the word Afghan is used in these rules it shall mean a person irrespective of his place of birth whose parents, both father and mother, are Afghan of full blood and whose parents resided in Afghanistan or in the North west Frontier Province of Pakistan." It excluded the Australian-born generations who could claim only an Afghan father or grandfather from becoming head of the mosque." Islam by lineage was an invention of terrible implication for the unity of the Muslim ummah in Australia.

Such ethnic division was apparently endorsed why what ‘Islamic scholars’ there were available. The Muslims understood that here in isolated Australia, far from Islamic civilisation, reliable and well informed Islamic scholars were needed to guide the community. One such was Sayyed Jalal Shah. Descended on both sides of his family from the Prophet Muhammad, he came here when he was 30. He is first encountered in Cloncurry where he gave a sermon and conducted prayers at the festival held at the end of Ramadan in August 1914. Although born in Karachi, he appears to have had ties to Afghanistan. Schinasi reports "In one of his letters ( to the Afghan journal "Seraj ul-akhbar), he reproved his compatriots from Sind and Baluchistan for their lack of religious zeal and praised "the Afghan civilization" which he said, was well represented in Australia by the mosques at Brisbane, Hergott Springs, Broken Hill, Adelaide and Perth. In this letter and in others he considered the Afghans from Afghanistan as his only responsible communicants…" "His Holiness" Agha Syed Mohammed Padshah from Port Hedland, while seeking peace between the Perth Muslims, also apparently accepted the ethnic division as a given.

The high wall around the Perth Mosque, similar to that of the Adelaide Mosque, and a comment in a report on the progress in the building of the mosque from November 1906, suggest that the community had to cope with considerable hostility. "The Mosque as now built has all necessary conveniences attached to it for ablution, etc., to satisfy the present requirements, and the cottage has enough accommodation for those of our brethren who stay in Perth temporarily and who are unable to find accommodation in public hostels in the city on account of the prejudice at present prevailing amongst the inhabitants of this country against colour and Asiatic races."

Muslim Family Life

As in all frontier societies, women were very scarce in outback Australia. At Cloncurry in 1886 there were ten males to every female, so marriage was practically impossible. The returns on mosques in 1898 in Western Australia suggest celibacy or at least absence of marriage, in that Muslim community. Many Muslims had wives and families back in India or Afghanistan and some returned infrequently to visit them. Moaz Khan returned to India 1914 to 1916, then from 1918 to 1921, then again from 1925 to 1931, finally retiring to join his wife in India in 1947. The mullahs and "Shahs" mentioned by Mr Pritchard, renting buildings in Fitzroy and the city who were all registered hawkers and spent much of their time travelling, suggests a life style similar to that of the camel-drivers of the frontier society.

Where it was possible these Muslims did have wives with them. Winifred Stegar had married an Indian Muslim, Ali, in China. Winifred’s account describes her less than perfect relationship with the wife of Sherali, her Australian resident brother-in-law. She did not comment on the woman’s ethnicity but from the text it is assumed that she is also Indian. Sherali offered Ali his first job in Australia. Located somewhere in rural Queensland 50 miles from the coast, he owned a large general store, ran a motor car and employed a governess for his children. The settled Muslim merchants encountered in the documents, signers of petitions and hosts for visiting imams, who are obviously respected by the authorities, might have enjoyed a life-style similar to that of Sherali and different from that of the itinerant hawkers and outback Afghans. Mr Jaboor of Melbourne with his large store, 76 to 78 Lonsdale Street and the merchants of Elizabeth Street Redfern were apparently prosperous and able to live a settled family life.

Despite the odds, many of the Afghans in the outback did eventually marry. Some of those who had left wives back in India or Afghanistan also took wives here. Stevens mentions the history of Nameth Khan, a camel-driver with a wife and two daughters back in Peshawar, who took an Aboriginal wife as well, marrying her in the Registry Office in Alice Springs. His Aboriginal wife died of the Spanish influenza in 1919 and he too died here, never seeing his family in India again. His Australian daughter however kept in contact with them, visiting the Punjab in the 1960s. Many of the women the Afghans married were marginalised Aborigines whose tribal social system was disintegrating under the impact of white settlement. Some were marginalised European women, widows with several children, deserted wives and occasionally, gold-diggers entranced by the wealth of established camel owners. Bejah Dervish married a deserted wife with eight children, and it was their son who went on the 1939 crossing of the Simpson Desert. Gool Mahomet of Coolgardie and then Farina, married a French prostitute, Adrienne Desiree Lesire from a Kalgoorlie brothel in 1907. They married in the Coolgardie Mosque and she lived in the Ghantown with him, much to the disdain of her fellow prostitutes.

There was no effort made to bring wives from Afghanistan or India to Australia as life here was too different, although there are several reports of men bringing their sons to join them. The wealthy camel owner Faiz Mahomet brought his son from Karachi in the late 1890s but not his wife. Moosha Balooch also brought out his ten year old son Omedally Balooch to join him and his second wife at Marree, but left his first wife in Afghanistan.

As these families produced offspring, the issue of brideprice became a source of friction. Although the mahar, or payment of an agreed amount by the groom to his bride, a requirement of Islam, was obeyed, the pagan custom of the groom paying the father of the bride a dowry or brideprice was also observed. At a time when a good weekly wage was two pounds, brideprices of one hundred and fifty and two hundred pounds have been documented. Young men usually lacked the necessary resources, so many old men were married to very young Ghantown brides. As the second generation of Australian born and acculturated Afghans grew up, such a custom became onerous and eventually, like much of the culture, both Islamic and tribal, died out.

The Great War

The declaration of war by Britain in August 1914 committed, without consultation, the whole empire to the conflict. Australia was an enthusiastic supporter in the main, with only the Industrial Workers of the World opposing the slaughter. With a population of four and a half million in 1914, this country by 1918 had recruited 400,000 volunteers. Of the 330,000 men tiny Australia put in the field, over 59,000 lost their lives. An entire generation was thus sacrificed. Prime Minister Hughes had tried to introduce conscription for overseas service in 1916 but was defeated in a referendum campaign which split the nation. Sectarian divisions amongst Christians were widened by the championing of anti-conscription by the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Melbourne Dr Mannix.

There was apparently a slanderous claim by anti-conscriptionists that conscripts sent off to war would be replaced by "the introduction of coloured or cheap labour into Australia." Prime Minister Hughes denounced such lies and exposed the false claim made at an anti-conscription meeting "that 4000 Maltese had landed in the Northern Territory." It was true that a batch of 200 Maltese was on its way to Australia "but, owing to my having given an undertaking that during the war no coloured labour would be admitted into Australia, I have notified the British authorities that it is not the intention of the Commonwealth Government to admit them into Australia." White European Christians, the Maltese, were not acceptable in 1916. Muslims were even less acceptable. That was revealed in 1919 by an outcry over a false rumour about the Northern Territory. Seeking to make political capital out of a racial scare, Senator Ferricks had told a meeting in Brisbane that 379 Turks had arrived in the Territory. The Minister for Home and Territories quickly explained that during the past three years about 300 Greeks had entered the Territory but on passports issued by the French, who had been in charge of some of the islands captured from Turkey. They were not Turks at all.

Attitudes towards Muslims were affected by the war. War propaganda in the press against the Caliph of Islam, the Sultan of Turkey, wounded many Muslims but physical assaults against Muslims do not appear in the record. Even when two "Turks" who were in fact Afghans, shot up a picnic train in Broken Hill on 1 January 1915, there was no actual anti-Muslim or anti-Afghan pogrom, although it came close. The Melbourne Argus carried a six level headline on the day after the shootings: "Turks Attack Train; Entrenched near railway; Broken Hill Sensation; Four Picnickers Killed; Seven others Wounded; Police Shoot Murderers." An ice-cream cart with a Turkish flag flying on it, and two men crouching with rifles pointing at the train, had been noticed by a passenger just as the train passed them. They fired 20 or 30 shots, killing Elma Cowie and three men and wounding six, including four women, one of whom was a 15 year old girl, Lucy Shaw.

Mulla Abdullah, who was killed in the subsequent gun-fight, was about 60 years old and acted as imam at the Broken Hill mosque. Just a few days before the attack on the train."…Chief Sanitary Inspector Brosnan had taken him to court for slaughtering sheep at the Ghantown when he was not a licensed member of the Butchers’ Union." This was in fact an act of religious persecution for it was well known that the Muslims would only eat animals slaughtered in accordance with Islamic requirements and unions at that time had racially discriminatory policies. Muslims were thus placed in an impossible situation. Mullah Abdullah said in his last letter that he was dying for his faith and in obedience to the order of the Sultan "…but owing to my grudge against the inspector it was my intention to kill him first. Beyond this there is no enmity against anybody, and we informed nobody." The translation of his letter which appeared in the Melbourne Argus included the statement "I have never worn a turban since the day some larrikin threw stones at me, and I did not like it. I wear the turban today." Gool Mahomed, now an ice-cream vendor, was most likely an ex-cameleer who had worked in the mines after the railways had moved in. Many men, including Afghans who had sought work in the mines, were retrenched when the price of silver fell with the onset of war. The letter he had in his waistbelt, certain he would die, stated that he was a subject of the Sultan and that "I must kill your men and give my life for my faith by order of the Sultan."

That night a crowd of patriotic Australians burnt down the German Club in Broken Hill. Heavily booted soldiers and police searched the mosque in the Ghantown for a constable the Afghans had supposedly imprisoned and then as the searchers were leaving, a mob from the burning of the German Club arrived. The police and soldiers guarded the camp until the mob departed. "By the following day Broken Hill mines had rid themselves of all employees deemed under the 1914 Commonwealth War Precautions Act to be ‘enemy aliens’. Further south, two days after the Broken Hill massacre, there was a demonstration outside the Adelaide Mosque in Little Gilbert Street. When the demonstrators pulled down a Muslim flag attached to a metal pole on the minaret, they bent the pole. This remained untouched as a reminder of the incident for many years afterwards. Fortunately the police came and protected the mosque, so it was not invaded. The incident at Broken Hill was to have even further repercussions. At the instigation of the Attorney General, Billy Hughes, all ‘enemy aliens’ in Australia were interned for the duration of the war."

Turkish subjects were the main object of interest for the authorities rather than Muslims as such. The Commonwealth Military Forces Third Military District Headquarters Melbourne on 6 November 1914 had requested police for any information as to the whereabouts of any agents of the Turkish Government. It also asked for the "issue of secret instructions for all Turkish subjects to be kept under surveillance by the police throughout the State." Detective Howard reported on 22 November that instructions had been issued that Turkish subjects were to be treated the same as Germans and Austrians and that all non-naturalised Turkish subjects were reporting weekly to the police. On 30 November he reported that the Turkish Consulate, an Australian military officer, had informed police that "he does not know of a single Turk in Melbourne and if he knows of any he will at once let me know". He also reported that the leading member of the Muslim community, a Syrian merchant " Mr Jaboor of Lonsdale Street has also promised to inform me of any Turks that may come to the State."

Aware that the war against Turkey and the Caliph of Islam would be unpopular with millions of Indian Muslims, the British were sensitive to any links between Istanbul and India. General Niazin Bey, who was responsible for an empire-wide security scare in 1915, was suspected of being involved in the establishing of such links. A British Admiralty Secret Circular was sent out to all ports in Australia, warning that this Turkish General had "recently returned from a Mission to spread sedition among the peoples of India." It was understood that he was seeking to return to "Constantinople via Dutch Borneo and Holland" so all Boarding Officers were instructed to look for him. His detailed description was given. He was believed to be carrying "signed or at least named, photographs of the German Emperor." A little less than three weeks later, in July, the Sub-Collector of Customs in Port Pirie was warned that a man under the name of L. Dillon, expert mechanic had left Galveston for Sydney on 1 July. Boarding Inspectors were instructed to look for him and report by wire should Dillon arrive. He was apparently suspected of being General Niazin Bey in disguise.

There was evidence of suspicion of Muslims compared to Christians in wartime regulations. The Director of Military Operations for the Chief of General Staff on 22 January 1915 issued instructions that "Any Turkish subject who is by race a Greek, Armenian or Syrian or member of any other community well known to be opposed to the Turkish regime and a Christian and who gives no cause of complaint may be excepted from paragraph 4 Aliens Instructions. Any such person now interned may be released." The list of internees in March 1915 showed in Six Military Districts 2200 German and Austrian internees and only one Turkish subject. Sixty-nine Turkish subjects were on parole, reporting weekly. States were required to provide a list of all Turkish subjects registered under the Aliens Registration Regulations. Returns for South Australia indicate that they were all Christians, mostly from Lebanon.

The authorities were vigilant in defence of patriotism and took swift action where disloyalty was suspected. The flying of a Turkish flag in Northcote, Melbourne, caused some consternation. Mr Sharp of Fairfield Park reported to Victoria Police Intelligence Section that the offending flag was flying from a 30 foot flagpole in Separation Street Northcote next to the Little Sisters of the Poor. Sergeant Arthur of the Northcote Police was sent to investigate and he reported back to Victoria Barracks on 6 August 1915 that he had interviewed the man responsible, Dervish Ali. The Sergeant gave him sound credentials as "..a loyal subject married to an English woman and his house inside is bedecked with the portraits of our King and Union Jacks". "Dervish Ali informed me that it is the Mohammedan flag and that he being an Indian he is simply keeping up the religious custom of the fast of Ramadan which is now being kept in the Mohammedan world." The flag was taken down.

A taste of the nastiness brought out by war and its accompanying jingoism is given by the records on the "Turkish Tom Thumb". In a file marked "Secret" there is a letter written in blue pencil on tissue paper addressed to Commander, Victoria Barracks Melbourne. From Fred H. Jones it is a warning that his ‘small man performer’ understood to be ‘a Turk’, "…has given his intention of slipping away by boat, taking several hundred pounds with him." Jones went on "I am an Australian and consider that this money should be made stop in the state." Telling the Commander "I considered it my duty to inform you" he asks the authorities to call before Saturday at his lodgings 539 Victoria Parade East Melbourne where the miscreant Hayati Hassid was also staying. They acted quickly. The denunciation was received on 21 January 1915 and on 23 January, Hayati Hassid was hauled in as an alien and required to sign an undertaking "that I will neither directly nor indirectly take any action in any way prejudicial to the safety of the British Empire during the present war." Described as "European Tom Thumb", Hassid weighing two and a half stone and only thirty inches tall, was released on parole the same day. On 26 March Fred Jones again denounced his employee, accusing him of spying, presumably for the Sultan of Turkey. He was also still obsessed about the funds he claimed Hassid was accumulating. Writing about their country tours he said Hassid " …gets full particulars of each town visited and he has of big heap of particulars of each town."

The Melbourne Argus carries a report from some months later headed "Mayor of Tiny Town; Claim for Wages; Question of Nationality." Hassid was claiming forty-six pounds in back wages from Fred Jones, but the defence argued that as he was a Turk and an enemy subject he ha